John Crane to John Paston
- Medieval Family Life
- Title
- John Crane to John Paston
- Reference
- Add. 43488, f. 14
- Date
- 6 May 1450
- Library / Archive
-
- The British Library
- Transcript location(s) in printed volume(s)
- Gairdner, Vol II, item 121; Fenn, Vol I, Henry VI item 11
- Transcript from John Fenn, 'Original Letters, written during the reigns of Henry VI., Edward IV., and Richard III…. Volume I' (1st transcript)
-
LETTER XI.
To my right worshupfull Cosygne John Paston of Nor-
wyche Squyer.RIGHT worshupfull Sr. I recomaunde me unto yow in the
most goodly wyse that y can, and forasmuche as ye
desired of me to sende yow worde of dyurs matirs her’ whiche
been opened in the prliament openly, I sende yow of theme
suche as I can.First moost espi’all that for verray trowthe upon sat’day
that last was the Duke of 1 Suffolk was taken in the See, and
there he was byheded and his body wt the apprtenaunce sette
at lande at Dover, and alle the Folks that he haad wt hym were
fette to lande, and haad noon harme.Also the Kyng hath sūwhat graanted to have the resūpsion
agayne in sūme but nat in alle, &c.Also yef ye purpose to come hydre to put up your 2 bylles,
ye may come now in a good tyme, ffor now eury man that
hath any they put theyme now inne, and so may ye yif ye
come, wt Godds Grace to your pleasur.Ferthermore upon the iiijthe day of this monthe the Erle of
3 Devenesshire come hydre wt iijc men 4 wel byseen, &c.And upon the morow aft’ my Lord of 5 Warrewyke wt iiijc
and moo, &c.Also as hyt ys noysed here Calys shal be byseged wtynne this
vij dayes, &c.God save the Kyng and sende us pees, &c.
Other tithyngs be ther noon here, but Almyghty God have yow
in his kepyng.Writen at Leycestr the vj day of May.
Your Cosigne,
11 by 5 ½.
6 John Crane.
Paper Mark.
Cross, &c.
Pl. VIII. No 6.Some Observations on the two preceding Letters to the worshipful
John Paston, Esquire, at Norwich, the first dated from Lon-
don on the 5th, and the other from Leicester on the 6th of May,
1450, 28 H. VI.THE Murder of William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, is, by our
Historians, variously related; some informing us, in general terms,
that it was committed by the contrivance of the Party then in oppo-
sition to the Queen; others, that it was done by order of the Party
then in the Duke of York’s Interest; and others, that a Captain
Nicholas, of a Ship belonging to the Tower, or a Captain of a Ship
called the Nicholas, met him on the Sea, and there took and murdered
him, but whether in consequence of being employed for that purpose,
or on his own authority does not sufficiently appear.A Short Sketch of the Proceedings of the Parliament, and of the
Duke of Suffolk’s situation previous to his leaving the Kingdom, are
necessary to the clearly understanding of the following Account.Upon the Meeting of the Parliament at Westminster, in November
1449, the Commons presented to the Lords several Articles of Im-
peachment against the Duke of Suffolk. The Queen fearing the
consequences of these, persuaded the King to fend the Duke to the
Tower, hoping by this step to satisfy the Commons.After this, by her address, the Parliament was adjourned to Leicester,
to meet in April 1450, where the Duke, being released from his im-
prisonment, appeared, with the King and Queen, as Prime Minister.This Proceeding extremely offending the Commons; they presented
a Petition to the King, praying that all, who had been concerned in
the delivery of Normandy to the French, might be punished.The Queen’s Fears were now renewed, and she prevailed upon the
King instantly to banish the Duke for five years, which he did; and
the Duke very soon embarked with an intention of going to France,
where his Friend the Duke of Somerset was Regent.From the plain State of this historical Fact, delivered down to us
in these Letters, the following Observations are deduced, first premis-
ing that, in 1447, the Duke of Suffolk, in conjunction with the Queen
and her Ministry, had been one of the Principal Agents in the Murder
of the Duke of Gloucester; an Event which, in all human probability,
was the immediate occasion of the Duke of York’s Thoughts of
asserting his Claim to the Crown, a Claim, in which he could have had
little hopes of success, during the life of a Prince, the Uncle of the
reigning King, and the brother, and Son of the two preceding So-
vereigns.A Prince likewise well beloved by the People, and endowed with
abilities which would have adorned a Throne.The Duke of York at this time-most certainly had a personal hatred
to the Duke of Suffolk, as by him he had been not long before
dismissed from the Regency of France, and was very lately sent into
Ireland, to quell a Rebellion with a Force inadequate to the pur-
pose.The Duke of Suffolk’s undoubted attachment to the House of Lan-
caster, must be, at all times, a great impediment to the taking of many
necessary steps by the York Party, towards carrying this meditated
Claim into execution; the having him therefore put to Death, must
be a very desireable circumstance to the Duke of York and his
Friends.The Arrival of the Earls of Devonshire and Warwick, at this critical
time at Leicester, with such large Retinues of Men “well byseen,”
furnishes very sufficient reasons for thinking, that the Murder of the
Duke of Suffolk was a premeditated scheme; and that these Noble-
men came, thus attended, to prevent any proceedings which might
have been adopted by the Queen and her Party, on their knowledge of
this Event being accomplished; for these two Noblemen could not
arrive at Leicester in consequence of the Murder, as it was impossible
for them to know of it, to get their men together, and to enter Lei-
cester, the one on the 4th, the other on the 5th of May, the account
of it not arriving in London till the 4th; they therefore most probably
came in consequence of their previous knowledge of the Plan that
was laid, to wait the event of it, and to act as circumstances might
require.The Sentence of Banishment seems to have been almost instantaneous,
this method therefore of taking him off, must have been as instanta-
neously resolved upon, by those of the Party then near the Court; for
though the People in general, and the Commons, hated the Duke, it no
where appears, that he was thus taken off by any generally concerted
plan for that purpose, but by a Party; and as these two Noblemen both
at that time professed Friends to the Duke of York, arrived thus
critically with such numerous Attendants so well arrayed and ac-
coutred, it gives the greatest reason to suspect that it was by their
Party.What Captain of a Ship that had met the Duke on the Sea, unless his
Ship had been sent out on purpose to take him, could have known
what had passed at Leicester, otherwise than from the Duke’s own
people in the Spinner, and from that account only would have dared
to take and murder him?This Force too, the Nicholas, with the other Ships waiting on him,
was certainly much superior to the Duke’s two Ships, and one little
Spinner; otherwise, how can we account for his own Shipmen not
holding with him; for however lowly fallen in the public esteem,
a Nobleman, of his consequence and possessions, must have still had faith-
ful Adherents enough to have defended him; and to have accompanied
him to France; unless they found that resistance in their situation
to such superior force, (a force sent out on purpose to take him,)
could be of no service; but would most probably have hastened his
fate.The Words, “God save the Kynge, and sende us Pees,” seem to
insinuate a suspicion of the King’s personal safety at this time,
and a fear that the disturbances which then overspread the land,
might be productive of civil wars; for the Prayer for Peace being
coupled with that for the King’s safety, plainly refers to the distur-
bances at home, and not to those in France.From these, and all other circumstances, therefore, as stated in the
two preceding Letters, it may be justly concluded, that the York
Party not only contrived, but perpetrated the Murder of this Noble-
man; who thus fell a terrible Example, that Blood requires Blood;
and had it been the only, instead of the first blood spilt by the York-
ists, happy had it been for England, who would not then have had
to lament those Deluges of it, which soon after flowed, in the
dreadful Civil Contests between the two Houses of York and Lan-
caster.These two Letters and the Observations were read at the Meeting of the Anti-
quary Society, on Thursday the 30th of November, 1780, and entered in
the Society’s Minute Book. Vol. xvii. Page 181, &c.Thanks, &c. were ordered for the Communication.
1 This Account exactly agrees with that in the last Letter, as to the murder, &c. of the
Duke of Suffolk.2 Here follows some advice relative to some private Bills of J. Paston, to be presented
to the Parliament.3 Thomas Courtney Earl of Devonshire, was taken at the battle of Towton, in 1461,
and afterwards beheaded, by order of Edward IV. he having revolted from Edward to
Henry VI.4 A sine body of men well arrayed and accoutred.
5 Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, was killed in the battle of Barnet, in 1471,
most furiously fighting against Edward IV.6 The Cranes were a good family, flourishing at this time in the Counties of Norfolk
and Suffolk, and the Writer of this Letter belonged to the Court. Pl. III. No 29.The Seal on this Letter is defaced, but it has a neat braid of twine round it.
- Transcript from John Fenn, 'Original Letters, written during the reigns of Henry VI., Edward IV., and Richard III…. Volume I' (2nd transcript)
-
LETTER XI.
To my right worshipful Cousin, John Paston, of Nor-
wich, Esquire.RIGHT worshipful Sir, I recommend me unto you in
the most goodly wise that I can; and for as much as ye
desired of me to send you word of divers matters here, which
have been opened in the Parliament openly, I send you of them
such as I can.First most especial, that for very truth upon Saturday that last
was, the Duke of 1 Suffolk was taken in the Sea, and there he
was beheaded, and his body with the appurtenance set at land at
Dover; and all the Folks that he had with him were set to
land, and had none harm, &c.Also the King hath somewhat granted to have the resumption
again, in some but not in all, &c.Also if ye purpose to come hither to put up your 2 bills, ye
may come now in a good time, for now every man that hath
any, they put them in, and so may ye if ye come, with God’s
Grace to your pleasure.Furthermore upon the 4th day of this Month, the Earl of
3 Devonshire came hither with 300 men 4 well beseen, &c. and
upon the morrow after, my Lord of 5 Warwick, with 400 and
more, &c.Also as it is noised here, Calais shall be besieged within this
seven days, &c.God save the King, and send us peace, &c.
Other tidings be there none here, but Almighty God have you
in his keeping.Written at Leicester, the 6th day of May.
Your Cousin,
6 JOHN CRANE.
Leicester,
Wednesday, 6th of May,
1450, 28 H. VI.Some Observations on the two preceding Letters to the worshipful
John Paston, Esquire, at Norwich, the first dated from Lon-
don on the 5th, and the other from Leicester on the 6th of May,
1450, 28 H. VI.THE Murder of William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, is, by our
Historians, variously related; some informing us, in general terms,
that it was committed by the contrivance of the Party then in oppo-
sition to the Queen; others, that it was done by order of the Party
then in the Duke of York’s Interest; and others, that a Captain
Nicholas, of a Ship belonging to the Tower, or a Captain of a Ship
called the Nicholas, met him on the Sea, and there took and murdered
him, but whether in consequence of being employed for that purpose,
or on his own authority does not sufficiently appear.A Short Sketch of the Proceedings of the Parliament, and of the
Duke of Suffolk’s situation previous to his leaving the Kingdom, are
necessary to the clearly understanding of the following Account.Upon the Meeting of the Parliament at Westminster, in November
1449, the Commons presented to the Lords several Articles of Im-
peachment against the Duke of Suffolk. The Queen fearing the
consequences of these, persuaded the King to fend the Duke to the
Tower, hoping by this step to satisfy the Commons.After this, by her address, the Parliament was adjourned to Leicester,
to meet in April 1450, where the Duke, being released from his im-
prisonment, appeared, with the King and Queen, as Prime Minister.This Proceeding extremely offending the Commons; they presented
a Petition to the King, praying that all, who had been concerned in
the delivery of Normandy to the French, might be punished.The Queen’s Fears were now renewed, and she prevailed upon the
King instantly to banish the Duke for five years, which he did; and
the Duke very soon embarked with an intention of going to France,
where his Friend the Duke of Somerset was Regent.From the plain State of this historical Fact, delivered down to us
in these Letters, the following Observations are deduced, first premis-
ing that, in 1447, the Duke of Suffolk, in conjunction with the Queen
and her Ministry, had been one of the Principal Agents in the Murder
of the Duke of Gloucester; an Event which, in all human probability,
was the immediate occasion of the Duke of York’s Thoughts of
asserting his Claim to the Crown, a Claim, in which he could have had
little hopes of success, during the life of a Prince, the Uncle of the
reigning King, and the brother, and Son of the two preceding So-
vereigns.A Prince likewise well beloved by the People, and endowed with
abilities which would have adorned a Throne.The Duke of York at this time-most certainly had a personal hatred
to the Duke of Suffolk, as by him he had been not long before
dismissed from the Regency of France, and was very lately sent into
Ireland, to quell a Rebellion with a Force inadequate to the pur-
pose.The Duke of Suffolk’s undoubted attachment to the House of Lan-
caster, must be, at all times, a great impediment to the taking of many
necessary steps by the York Party, towards carrying this meditated
Claim into execution; the having him therefore put to Death, must
be a very desireable circumstance to the Duke of York and his
Friends.The Arrival of the Earls of Devonshire and Warwick, at this critical
time at Leicester, with such large Retinues of Men “well byseen,”
furnishes very sufficient reasons for thinking, that the Murder of the
Duke of Suffolk was a premeditated scheme; and that these Noble-
men came, thus attended, to prevent any proceedings which might
have been adopted by the Queen and her Party, on their knowledge of
this Event being accomplished; for these two Noblemen could not
arrive at Leicester in consequence of the Murder, as it was impossible
for them to know of it, to get their men together, and to enter Lei-
cester, the one on the 4th, the other on the 5th of May, the account
of it not arriving in London till the 4th; they therefore most probably
came in consequence of their previous knowledge of the Plan that
was laid, to wait the event of it, and to act as circumstances might
require.The Sentence of Banishment seems to have been almost instantaneous,
this method therefore of taking him off, must have been as instanta-
neously resolved upon, by those of the Party then near the Court; for
though the People in general, and the Commons, hated the Duke, it no
where appears, that he was thus taken off by any generally concerted
plan for that purpose, but by a Party; and as these two Noblemen both
at that time professed Friends to the Duke of York, arrived thus
critically with such numerous Attendants so well arrayed and ac-
coutred, it gives the greatest reason to suspect that it was by their
Party.What Captain of a Ship that had met the Duke on the Sea, unless his
Ship had been sent out on purpose to take him, could have known
what had passed at Leicester, otherwise than from the Duke’s own
people in the Spinner, and from that account only would have dared
to take and murder him?This Force too, the Nicholas, with the other Ships waiting on him,
was certainly much superior to the Duke’s two Ships, and one little
Spinner; otherwise, how can we account for his own Shipmen not
holding with him; for however lowly fallen in the public esteem,
a Nobleman, of his consequence and possessions, must have still had faith-
ful Adherents enough to have defended him; and to have accompanied
him to France; unless they found that resistance in their situation
to such superior force, (a force sent out on purpose to take him,)
could be of no service; but would most probably have hastened his
fate.The Words, “God save the Kynge, and sende us Pees,” seem to
insinuate a suspicion of the King’s personal safety at this time,
and a fear that the disturbances which then overspread the land,
might be productive of civil wars; for the Prayer for Peace being
coupled with that for the King’s safety, plainly refers to the distur-
bances at home, and not to those in France.From these, and all other circumstances, therefore, as stated in the
two preceding Letters, it may be justly concluded, that the York
Party not only contrived, but perpetrated the Murder of this Noble-
man; who thus fell a terrible Example, that Blood requires Blood;
and had it been the only, instead of the first blood spilt by the York-
ists, happy had it been for England, who would not then have had
to lament those Deluges of it, which soon after flowed, in the
dreadful Civil Contests between the two Houses of York and Lan-
caster.These two Letters and the Observations were read at the Meeting of the Anti-
quary Society, on Thursday the 30th of November, 1780, and entered in
the Society’s Minute Book. Vol. xvii. Page 181, &c.Thanks, &c. were ordered for the Communication.
1 This Account exactly agrees with that in the last Letter, as to the murder, &c. of the
Duke of Suffolk.2 Here follows some advice relative to some private Bills of J. Paston, to be presented
to the Parliament.3 Thomas Courtney Earl of Devonshire, was taken at the battle of Towton, in 1461,
and afterwards beheaded, by order of Edward IV. he having revolted from Edward to
Henry VI.4 A sine body of men well arrayed and accoutred.
5 Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, was killed in the battle of Barnet, in 1471,
most furiously fighting against Edward IV.6 The Cranes were a good family, flourishing at this time in the Counties of Norfolk
and Suffolk, and the Writer of this Letter belonged to the Court. Pl. III. No 29.The Seal on this Letter is defaced, but it has a neat braid of twine round it.
- Transcript from James Gairdner, 'The Paston Letters, A.D., 1422-1509, New Complete Library Edition, Volume II'
-
121
JOHN CRANE TO JOHN PASTON2
To my right worshupfull cosygne, John Paston of
Norwyche, Squyer.RIGHT worshupfull sir, I recomaunde me unto yow in
the most goodly wyse that y can; and forasmuche as
ye desired of me to sende yow worde of dyvers matirs
here, whiche been opened in the Parliament openly, I sende
yow of them suche as I can.First moost especiall, that for verray trowthe upon Sater-
day3 that last was, the Duke of Suffolk was taken in the see,
and there he was byheded, and his body with the appurtenaunce
sette at lande at Dover, and alle the folks that he haad with
hym were sette to lande, and haad noon harme.Also the Kyng hath sumwhat graanted to have the resump-
sion agayne in summe, but nat in alle, &c.Also yef ye purpose to come hydre to put up your bylles,
ye may come now in a good tyme; for now every man that
hath any, they put theme now inne, and so may ye, yif ye come
with Godds grace to your pleasur.Ferthermore, upon the iiijth day of this monthe, the Erle
of Devenesshire4 come hydre with iijc. [300] men wel byseen,
&c.And upon the morow after my Lord of Warrewyke5 with
iiijc. [400] and moo, &c.Also, as hyt ys noysed here Calys shal be byseged withynne
this vij. dayes, &c.God save the Kyng, and sende us pees, &c.
Other tithyngs be ther noon here, but Almyghty God have
yow in his kepyng.Writen at Leycestre, the vj. day of May.
Your cosigne, JOHN CRANE.1
2 [From Fenn, i. 44.] The date of this letter, as of the preceding, is clearly proved
by internal evidence. 3 2nd May.4 Thomas Courtenay. 5 Richard Nevill.—See Letter 98.
MAY 6
1450
MAY 6